Prayer April 25, 2006 Camerino
1. I think I can say that for some years the celebration of April 25 has lost (if they ever had) the character of tired ritual that some critics charge it is not always disinterested. also this April 25, in short, lived with a strong spirit of participation, with a moral tension that testifies to the awareness of the relevance of this date and vitality for our own ideals and the sacrifices that animated the struggle for liberation from Nazi .
is called by many the need to salvagurdare and pass on to younger generations the memory of that struggle and sacrifices. is a justified concern, more so, in fact, that the memory of those events is subject for some years to attempt to confuse and falsify the value. But I think if we want those ideals remain viable (ie able to generate in the present) is necessary for young people (especially), and the Italian people as a whole if they riapproprino actively, ie not consider them only as a reality the past but reinvent them and translates them into action aimed at tackling the great problems of our present. This is, I believe, the goal which stretched the President of the Republic Ciampi throughout his tenure, and what I believe we all have to thank him.
the timeliness of the Resistance, on the other hand, is demonstrated by the fact that in moments of turning most significant and dramatic in our history republicana, the Italian people and the young generation have felt the need to re-encounter with the resistance (I think the 1960 and 1968), in which the source ristrovare to redefine themselves and their duties in the present.
was therefore right to dedicate a part of the celebrations of these youth movements and their relationship (also problematic) with the resistance, since this reflection allows us to see better as April 25 and a constant reference leberazionecostituiscano struggle at times Critics of modern history.
the other hand, this moral heritage to be defended because, as I said a moment ago, in recent years we witnessed the attempt to erase the significance of the liberation struggle, to deny it, and so falsify mamometterla. this attempt has a purpose: to separate the civil conscience and the link between anti-fascist republican institutions, as a prerequisite to get to the tampering of the constitution and the unit of the country.
this attempt is based primarily on an insidious propaganda campaign aiming to standardize the partisans and the Fascists in aThis purpose typically use two arguments: a) the dead are all alike, all deserve compassion and it is right to distinguish between those who fell one hand and fell on the other side because all they fought for reasons that felt right, b) the resistance was a negligible (Italy was liberated by the allies) and has had its dark pages.
the first pseudo-argument (which has unfortunately produced some contrubuito shameful laws equivalent) must be answered that an approval is unacceptable, because if it is true that wherever there were people who fought with honesty of purpose, is however also true that you can not confuse the rights and wrongs, equate those who were for the dictatorship, who cooperated actively to the barbarism of the death camps, which were stained with the shame of the racist laws with those who were fighting against everything and perlacreazione a society free from racial prejudice, supportive and respectful of minorities.
we can not, in other words, forget that if they won them the whole of Europe would become a huge concentration camp, dominated by the Aryan master race of lords, and entire populations were enslaved.
the contrary, that for which they fought the partisans is a truly free society for all, including those who are indifferent or opponents of democracy, as substantially Piero Calamandrei writes in an article published in the journal nel1945 the bridge already. that's what makes it incomparable and that the two fields can not be deleted.
as the second argument, I can calmly say that notwithstanding the gratitutdine of all Italians for the decisive contribution of the Allied armies in the liberation of the country, the Resistance was, however, an important fact is the military point of view - widely recognized as commands by the same military allies - both politically and morally.
if we are to fully understand the ethical value of that experience, we must first reflect on the fact that an entire nation and each individual were placed individually suddenly faced with the need to choose which side of the eight sides after the September tragedy. to better understand the meaning of that situation we must consider that this choice is not normally required since there is an authority (the state all its joints) that determines the general direction within which the individual is naturally channeled to operate. the drama of that choice is all the greater for that for over twenty years had been raised by the propaganda of the myth of the infallible leader, man of providence to which the country could rely on trust, believe, obey, fight.
why those who chose to stand against the Nazis and the Fascists did so with a gesture that exalted individual responsibility regained feeling and then expressing the freedom that comes from the consciousness of a duty to determine independently, freely chosen, and not just passively. nothing but death of the country, in that occasion the patriotic sentiment is really risen!
young people 61 years ago they won through their sacrifice the freedoms that we enjoy today, were aware of this, as the letters of death row inmates of the Resistance, where he is - even given the imminent end to their individual - a bullish momentum towards the future, towards what is known today, with the certainty that comes from the intimate conviction of being on the right side, is destined to come true thanks to their sacrifice. as it is written in the letter that Achilles Barilatti, partisan group of Macerata Nicholas, who was shot in front of the cemetery Muccia gold medal for military valor, he wrote to his mother: "Mother darling, when you get this torn by grief. (...) Do not cry mom, my blood will be poured in vain, and Italy will be big again."
no, that blood was not shed in vain! it helped give the country free institutions and to restore the honor in the international arena, an honor compromised by benti years of dictatorship, wars, disasters and criminal complicity in the racial persecution.
contrary to what is commonly thought, even in our province, the resistance has a significant contribution to this struggle and in the 10 months that separate the 8 September '43 by the release in July '44, paid a high tribute of blood bears the names Montalto, Chigi, Valdiola, Bracciano, Morico, Apiro. the city of Camerino has been particularly serious and the massacres of mourning and Morro Capolapiaggia. the latter, I believe, is the bloodiest massacre of civilians that have been perpetrated in the Marche.
also from the military point of view the contribution of partisan groups in the province of Macerata and the people who supported them was significant as it acknowledges the German military command. So
guerrilla warfare as a whole and in our province has been an important factor for redemption and civil contributed to the success on the Nazi military.
but the resistance was mainly the forge which have taken effect legitimacy and the republican institutions and the Constitution, which led to the civil and material progress of the Italian people and the choice of contributing to the formation of Europe, which represents our horizon.
this year marks the sixtieth anniversary of the republic, ordered by the Italian people in the referendum of 2 June 1946. This occurrence leads us to delve deeper into the link between the liberation struggle and republican institutions, to understand where our community is, what are the dangers that threaten it, and what values \u200b\u200bwe should be able to revive.
is in resistance to the fascist dictatorship during the twenty years before and in the liberation struggle against fascism Then it develops in all anti-fascist formations the desire to give life, having regained his freedom, to radically new institutions (so it was not to make a simple restoration of pre-fascist liberal state), genuinely democratic and republican. this meant that the state should first be released by the mortgage of a monarchy felony, an accomplice of the fascist dictatorship and its disastrous colonial wars of aggression. one was in a position to guarantee the four freedoms of the modern (the personal freedom of expression, assembly and association) and with them the effective exercise of democracy. what constituents wanted to democracy? second a classical definition of democracy is the power to make collective decisions (which are binding on all) exercised by the people, ie all citizens by the sum of free individual choices. the democratic principle involves primarily the granting of citizenship to all individuals, irrespective of gender or of another nature. in fact this is also the sixtieth of women's suffrage, an event which was the starting the process of liberation and empowerment that has made enormous progress in the country as a whole is on the plans of society and culture than on material and economic.
now we must ask: what of those principles in the reality of our lives to sixty years of their foundation?
according to the deterministic and pessimistic estimates of Polybius, democracy has a natural tendency to degenerate into the hands of the grandchildren of its founders: in other words two generations, 50, 60 years or so according to our standards. According to this theory, democracy degenerates into oclocrazia (the abusive power, a kind of tyranny of the mob) in which the people fall by the corrupt rich who cheat and inflated by flattery.
where we stand in our civil history? is a real risk of degenerative similar or different?
course, we could easily console himself by noting that there are democracies (the U.S.) for well over two generations, so there is no absolute necessity for us to see our degenerate. However, we can not ignore that our nation's history is more recent and fragile and the sense of the state generally weaker. it is also undeniably a widespread sense of frustration and fears applicants for holding the country's democracy.
short, where are we? What we have to fear, what should we expect?
I think that the reasons for hope are nevertheless stronger than fear, because the taste of freedom in all its forms is a contagious pleasure, which once tasted everyone wins.
so if it is true that the constitution was the political program of the Resistance, the democratic republic which has become very well be in which all (or almost) recognize, as he rightly expected Calamandrei.
be wrong to regard democracy as a phenomenon and not autoincrementale see risks ahead. perhaps it is not the risk of a reversal in the strict sense of democracy, but some of emptying it.
because the institutions did not live in a vacuum, but are subject to the stresses of history and its upheavals. and ours is a time of great challenges: the growth of inequality (not only economic but also cultural), terrorism and war, the domain of mass media, etc..
the face of these risks is still essential to maintain the cultural and consciousness the basic elements of civic republican and democratic institutions, starting with the concepts of freedom and equality. I said before that democracy is the power to make collective decisions by the people by the sum of free individual choices of all citizens. expressions are in this definition: for all citizens and free choices, which correspond in fact to the notions of equality and freedom. they are actually nouns which indicate the ultimate values \u200b\u200bwhich inspired the democracy, but also the conditions without which there can be no democracy and is not preserved. but we must ask ourselves: when you are free? what it means to be equal? what is the relationship between these two nouns?
to define equality, for example, classical greek thought using the word isonomia, which can be translated with equality law, which does not only mean, as we usually mean, equality before the law, but also by the law , from which it emerges that the law must always give back and promote equality, which becomes an end state.
about the relationship between these two nouns are so important, I think that this old idea of \u200b\u200bequality (equal by law) to connect to the connection that Article 3 of the Constitution requires the institutions to promote equality to give effect to freedom .
if it is true that liberty is the first all freedom of choice for individual purposes, it implies the possibility to obtain the resources necessary to realize those ends, otherwise the restriction of all liberties, then the unequal distribution of resources, so uneven that some do not; makes blank freedom. therefore the policy of social rights that give equal opportunities to the worker and the son of a professional, is not inconsistent with the liberal principle, but it is required. for this is so important to ensure social justice, combating insecurity, exclusion, promoting social inclusion.
to be truly free is however also necessary that our deliberations are truly independent. this requires that the area of \u200b\u200bpublic debate in which public opinion is formed (the real ruler in democratic states) is properly staffed to ensure its proper operation. also touches on equality: as democracy dialogue between different points of view to the formation of an orientation, you must first words that are used with integrity, but also that there is an excessive gap in their possession: a few words, a few ideas. in fact, is the only language that is equal - writes Don Milani - who knows how to express themselves and is equal to the mean expression of others "that's why a school is a condition of egalitarian democracy.
but since democracy has no absolute truths to be affirmed and its role is rather to make them comparable and compatible the different perspectives of values, then it is necessary in the public debate is always the spirit of this research is the indisputable statement of truth is the dictatorship of 'view that makes it impossible for real confrontation and compulsory with the majority opinion. instead it always said that truth is always the case and there is no vox populi vox that would transform the voice of the minority in vox diaboli. why the principle of secularity of public law - admirably supported by our kind by Alberico San Gines - and the state should not be considered a residual century, but a value foundation of free institutions.
set of conditions that lead to my view in an element without which no democracy can be preserved. the existence of socially responsible individuals, that individuals - as Bettelheim writes - who have a sense of identity, the conviction that only people capable of deep and lasting relationships with other people and therefore accountable for their decisions and can take them. at the opposite pole is the blob that is the basis of the totalitarian regimes of the last century, dominated by demagogues themselves in need of mass-men. Democracy, therefore, proclaiming the equality should not seek approval, the intermediacy conformist, but rather to promote the autonomy and diversity of quality.
for these reasons it is so important that a society will accept as a valuable enrichment of those who come from another culture in our society and can engage the yeast from a different reality. This puts us
our many other issues that challenge the vitality of democratic institutions: the organization's quality policy, the life of the parties, the preservation of separation of powers and independence of the judiciary, etc..
but today the emphasis should be on the commitment aimed at the cultural and moral conscious reappropriation of the basic values \u200b\u200bof democratic coexistence, those values \u200b\u200bfor which they gave their lives savior Troilus, Achilles Barilatti and all the others, in the certainty that embody the ideals of a nobler humanity.
with this spirit we look to the future. April 25
alive alive alive
republic constitution.
Tuesday, April 25, 2006
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